The Arachnet Electronic Journal on Virtual Culture
__________________________________________________________________
ISSN 1068-5723 July 26, 1994 Volume 2 Issue 3
WE V2N3
Cross-Gender Communication in Cyberspace
by Gladys We
we@sfu.ca
Copyright 1993
ABSTRACT
Does computer mediated communication help women and men communicate more
effectively? This article examines some of the research which has been done
on how CMC has affected communication between the genders. It also
investigates some of the different ways in which online interactions
between women and men are made. And finally, it offers some anecdotes and
experiences of life online, from both women and men.
[1] INTRODUCTION
Computer mediated communication (CMC) is rapidly turning the world into
Marshall McLuhan's "global village." It is an almost miraculous medium
where people can communicate individually with each other, mediated by
nothing more than computers and wires. The contrast with previous broadcast
media is obvious: in CMC, there are usually no editors or censors. The
social implications of CMC are vast, from its potential ability to
overthrow centralized control of information to its potential ability to
help people, no matter what their gender, race, or physical appearance,
communicate with each other with fewer prejudices and misunderstandings
than any other medium in existence. In many ways, the online world, named
"cyberspace" by William Gibson in his science fiction novels, has its own
culture, morals, and expectations, but in just as many ways, it replicates
the biases, contradictions, and prejudices of our society.
[2] The question I sent out to answer was, "does CMC improve communication
between women and men?" Research has been done on how professionals
interact in this electronic environment. Cynthia Selfe and Paul Meyer
monitored the electronic communications of a group of English communication
teachers. They found that high status individuals of either gender (status
was marked by their position and number of publications) tended to send
more messages than low status ones (Selfe and Meyer, 1991). When the group
gave participants a choice of anonymous postings, the same people tended to
post, although a few more low status participants sent in questions and
comments.
[3] Research has also been done on how CMC helps women and non-native
English speakers in educational environments. Beryl Bellman, Alex
Tindimubona and Armando Arias, Jr. discuss how Latin American women, when
allowed to post anonymously in class, contributed "strong assertive
remarks," even though "they did not engage in heated debate" or critiques
in their face-to-face classes (Bellman, Tindimubona and Arias, Jr., 1993).
[4] Although research continues to be done on these more formal and
task-oriented worlds of professional and educational online interactions,
it seems that relatively little work has been done on how women and men
communicate with each other in online social environments. There are many
places in the Internet for women and men to socialize. In Usenet, the
largest public area of the Internet, people get together in newsgroups to
discuss subjects as diverse as rec.pets, alt.tv.ren-and-stimpy and
soc.penpals. For people who want to role-play in another persona, or even
another gender, there are MUDs (Multi-User Domains), and MUSHes (Multi-User
Shared Hallucinations). There are mailing lists for alternative music fans,
singles, and for Tolkien linguists. In short, the Internet is full of
virtual spaces where women and men can meet and talk.
[5] However, there are several problems with the nature of cross-gender
interactions online. For example, I had noticed, in my initial forays into
Usenet, that relatively few women posted in most of the social newsgroups.
I went to the three feminist newsgroups and did a participant count,
assuming that most men wouldn't be interested in feminism, and expecting
that I would find a few more women participating. For the two unmoderated
newsgroups, I was proven wrong. Only in soc.feminism, amidst accusations of
censorship, were there comparable numbers of postings from women and men.
[6]
Alt.feminism participant count (303 responses)
11% women 83% men 6% undeterminable
Soc.women participant count (292 responses)
13% women 78% men 9% undeterminable
Soc.feminism participant count (47 responses)
53% women 40% men 7% undeterminable
[7] Obviously, as Cheris Kramarae and Jeannie Taylor report, "In almost any
'open' network, men monopolize the talk" (Kramarae and Taylor, 1992).
[8] But communication between women and men has always been problematic, to
say the least. Robin Lakoff wrote, in _Language and Woman's Place_, about the
differences between how girls and boys are taught to communicate. She found
that girls and boys literally learn different languages as they grow up.
Girls are taught a more passive voice and boys emerge from their "rough
talk" stage with a more forceful, active voice (Lakoff, 1975). More
recently, Deborah Tannen, in _You Just Don't Understand: Women and Men in
Conversation_, finds that the cross-gender communications gap is as vast as
any cross-cultural communication gap. Simply put, women and men don't
communicate well with each other, even though they may both be speaking
English (Tannen, 1990).
[9] Some of these communication problems and social assumptions are carried
over to social interactions in CMC. But are all of them? When I began my
research project, I wanted to find out how women and men felt about
communicating online. I wanted to hear what they thought about the
differences between communicating online and face to face. And I wanted to
hear the stories behind the statistics-from the women who found that
electronic communication allowed them to speak their minds to the men who
said that it eliminated thoughts of sex from their missives.
[10] Methodology:
I sent out a questionnaire (Appendix A) to several different Usenet
newsgroups and electronic mailing lists (Appendix B). The responses that I
have received have been illuminating. Most of the people who took the time
to respond to my questionnaire were helpful and supportive, sharing their
experiences and thoughts candidly. While the number of responses that I've
received (25) is not statistically significant, I feel that the
respondents' voices are representative of many people in the electronic
community. In the following pages, I have indicated whether the speaker is
a man or a woman, as gender does have some influence on the types of online
experiences that people have, and on how they have interpreted that
experience. (Ironically, this structure removes the gender-neutral feeling
of most online interactions.) I also made the editorial decision to correct
spelling mistakes, unless they added to the "charm" or the para-linguistic
aspects of a reply.
[11] THE QUESTIONNAIRE
Question 1: In your experience, do men and women communicate with each
other differently online than face to face? (Yes or No)
[12] The "yes" and "no" answers I received from women and men were very
similar in number:
Women Men Total
Yes 10 (91%) 12 (86%) 22 (88%)
No 1 (9%) 2 (14%) 3 (12%)
[13] Most people answered that men and women are able to communicate far
more easily online than face to face.
[14] One man wrote, about his online friends: "Face to face it is possible
that I would speculate about any or all of these women from a gender
oriented perspective, but online this never occurs and I am able to relate
to them strictly as persons."
[15] One woman wrote, "I have been involved in arguments that would not
have been possible face to face as the people I was arguing with would no
doubt have descended to male posturing early in the proceedings if they
hadn't been forced to write and think through (well, partially, anyway)
their responses." Another man added, "Women get heard more because they can
finish a thought without being interrupted. Also men tend to deal with the
content of what women say rather than dismissing it because it comes from a
woman. This is both because the culture of the net places extremely high
value on "rational" (or seemingly "rational" ) discourse and because it's
impossible to use nonverbal communication to assert dominance. This is not
to say that sexism doesn't exist; it's just harder to get away with. ... In
many discussions unrelated to sexism or women's issues I see women taken
more seriously than I think they would be if the communication were face to
face."
[16] Both women and men felt that women had more of a "presence" online and
that it is easier for women to make their voices heard online than in a
face-to-face conversation where, as one man said, "women [are] able to
drive their point home without the familiar patronizing/trivializing
dismissal characteristic of many face-to-face encounters."
[17] There are two sides to the freedom and anonymity found online. On the
one hand, as one woman commented, "Men are more open online than
face-to-face ... Men freely give online hugs and kisses, which you don't
see in face-to-face contacts as much."
[18] On the other hand, as one man said, in his experience on the MUDs,
people tended to "become more obnoxious because they are hiding behind
anonymity." He added, "I'd say things in public that I wouldn't say face to
face because I was hiding behind a computer screen--most of these people
would never know who I really was." Another woman felt that men "show much
less concern about the usual social constraints ... perhaps ... because
online communication feels more anonymous. ... After the first time I
posted to [a newsgroup] an individual emailed a 'welcome to the group.'
After a short conversation about a political issue, I got, out of the blue,
a request from him for an exchange of nude photos." Another woman added,
"in muds if you have a female name you immediately get jumped all over
(figuratively)!" And a man had noticed that, in Compuserve CB (a real-time
chat line), "whenever a women-like handle comes online or joins a channel,
she always has more 'welcomes' than a person with a male-type handle."
[19] There are other anecdotal problems with CMC that my respondents did
not discuss. For instance, some women report that their suggestions are
ignored as much in online conversations as in face-to-face ones. As well,
"flaming," a CMC term for the posting of angry messages, is an online
phenomenon which tends to be associated with men. Hoai-An Truong writes,
"Since women tend to use language differently than men do, these highly
aggressive language patterns may be even more of a barrier to our
participation. Styles of communication (sometimes referred to as "debate"
and "relate" styles) often complicate messages. While debating and arguing
an issue is the normal style for some people, others understand these
debates as an attack on them, causing them to pull away from the
discussion" (Truong, 1993).
[20] Question 2: When you're communicating online, are you aware of the
gender of the person with whom you're communicating? (Yes or No)
Women Men Total
Yes 8 (73%) 9 (64%) 17 (68%)
No 3 (27%) 5 (36%) 8 (32%)
[21] Roughly the same percentage of women as men were aware of gender.
Several of the respondents contextualized their answer to this question: if
they were communicating in a professional environment, they reported being
less aware of gender than if they were communicating in a social
environment such as a feminist discussion or newsgroup. Two women responded
that they were more likely to respond to a posting if it came from a woman
than a man.
[22] Question 2a: Do you write your responses differently for women than
for men?
[23] 2a. Women Men Total
Yes 5 (45%) 4 (29%) 9 (36%)
No 5 (45%) 10 (71%) 15 (60%)
no answ. 1 (9%) - 1 (4%)
[24] Two women found that they were more at ease when talking with other
women. The first wrote, "If I'm talking to a woman ... I'm freer about
expressing my feelings and talking about my own life experiences. In
responding to men I tend to confine myself to a debating mode." The second
wrote, "I'm still more guarded with men than with women, for very simple
reasons - I'm more at home with women, and the things that women choose to
talk about. I may share some interests with men and we can chatter away
about them, but I share a *reality* with women."
[25] One man wrote, "I tend to 'pull my punches' more with women than with
men. (Which I don't see as being more personally condescending, it simply
represents how I see women will interpret such, i.e., I assume that women
will take criticisms more personally than men will and that, for example,
making a fool of some women on the NET will result in more negative
responses by third parties than doing the same to a man.)"
[26] Most of the men (71%) responded that they replied similarly to
postings, whether replying to women or to men. A higher percentage of women
(45%) than men (29%) felt that they wrote differently for women than for
men. One man reported that, even in a more formal classroom setting, many
women adopted male aliases to give feedback about the class. He wrote,
"This use of male names in order to be heard demonstrates that women are
more aware of gender in electronic communication to the point where they
will hide their gender for fear that it will interfere with the
effectiveness of their communication."
[27] There are probably several other reasons for women to be more cautious
about what they write to men. Online sexual harassment continues to take
place, and CMC, stripped of most other communication cues, can very easily
be misconstrued; a joke, misinterpreted, taken as a come-on. One woman
commented about a certain amount of "worry about being attacked and/or hit
on by the men."
[28] Question 3: Do you think that women communicate differently online
than face-to-face?
[29] Women Men Total
Yes 6 (55%) 8 (57%) 14 (56%)
No 4 (36%) 4 (29%) 8 (32%)
Unsure 1 (9%) 2 (14%) 3 (12%)
[30] A woman wrote that women "are more likely to have that feeling of
intimidation [about the computer world] but they are more likely to express
that feeling of intimidation rather than just sitting quietly and feeling
bad. The whole thing, I feel, is healthy and cathartic." A man felt that "A
shy woman *might* be a bit more inclined to talk more when she cannot see
an actual face, only typed characters on the screen." Another woman thought
that women "get to be more active when communicating online. Because they
don't have to act 'feminine' as expected in daily life."
[31] One woman found that women's interactions with each other online is
very similar to face to face experiences. "It's such a delight to realize
that the online nature of the communication is VERY SIMILAR to the very
familiar experience of communicating with women face2face. ... Women tend
to talk about very personal things. Periods, cramps, labor pains, etc. ...
very personal issues are constantly being broached, and women of all types
eagerly contribute their own experiences and opinions. It is very similar
to the coffee clatch, or my own experiences with my girlfriends."
[32] One man found it easier to talk to women online than face-to- face.
"Face-to-face, women tend to be more chatty and loquacious. They tend to be
shorter, so one is 'talking down' to them (literally, even if one tries not
to have that be a factor). There could be mild sexual overtones that
complicate communication or at least are distracting."
[33] Another man pointed out "I think that all people communicate
differently online than face-to-face." Several people agreed, saying that
people with speech impediments or obvious physical handicaps find online
communication easier than face to face communication.
[34] Not knowing anything about someone allows people to have conversations
based on intellect alone (and English skills), without being influenced by
whether the other person is attractive, or not; too old or too young; has
purple hair, or none; is in a wheelchair, or is obese. Some people who have
been prejudiced against because of the way they look, or their gender, find
the physical anonymity of computer mediated communication (CMC) liberating,
and would not want their correspondents to find out more about them beyond
their sparkling wit.
[35] Question 4: Communication face-to-face, and even by telephone, is
gendered because of physical cues such as dress, age, voice, etc. These
cues are not transmitted online. How does the absence of these cues affect
you?
[36] One woman, who had described herself as small and "cute," answered,
"If someone sees me saying something 'macho' or using profanity, the
contrast with my appearance lets me sometimes use these to good effect.
There have been several times, though, when I've gotten dressings down for
these on the net or in email. Not that this was necessarily undeserved,
it's just that it wouldn't happen face to face."
[37] Another woman finds that "women may communicate differently because
this type of communications allows them to be as direct as possible without
running such a high risk of sexual discrimination, particularly if her
gender is not clear until the end. ... The lack of the gendering of
communication can allow me to make bold statements without having to worry
about how my gestures or voice might falsely render them."
[38] A third woman wrote, "the absence of those cues means, for women, the
freedom to express ideas outside of the prison of appearance." Another
woman agreed: "I feel freer to express ideas and consider new and different
points of view. I feel that I have more control over my communication
environment, online, and yet without being denied access to the resources
and opportunities. Historically, for women to feel safe or comfortable,
they have been cloistered. In the networld, we have access to all the same
resources that the men do."
[39] CMC allows people to experiment with different personas and
"presentation of self" (Goffman, 1959) in relative anonymity and safety.
One man thought that "women feel more free to engage in persona creation.
... A friend in Texas is normally a very quiet, almost painfully shy
person. On the net she becomes confessional, prolific, acerbic, but
especially very very vocal." One woman related how one of her male friends,
"also very shy around women ... eventually went into acting."
[40] Two fascinating stories came from women who met their (eventual)
husbands online. It does seem paradoxical that text-based communication,
through a computer screen and telephone lines, can be incredibly intimate,
but people can become acquainted faster online than in face to face
contacts. As one woman said, "it is like making a friend in hyper-drive.
One advances beyond small talk very quickly. Communication can be when it
is convenient for each of you and more often (than say, someone you meet
only once in a while)."
[41] Question 5: How important is gender to you in the presentation of
yourself online? (On a scale of 1-5 where 1 is not important and 5 is very
important)
[42]
Women Men Total
[43] (9%) 7 (50%) 8 (32%)
2 (18%) 1 (7%) 3 (12%)
4 (36%) 3 (21%) 7 (28%)
1 (9%) 1 (7%) 2 (8%)
3 (27%) 2 (14%) 5 (20%)
[44] Women tended to feel that their gender was somewhat important to very
important in how they presented themselves online (36% rated it 4 or
higher). For most of the men, their gender was relatively unimportant (57%
rated it 2 or lower).
[45] Question 5a: How important is gender to you in the presentation of
others online? (On a scale of 1-5 where 1 is not important and 5 is very
important)
[46]
5a. Women Men Total
1 3 (27%) 5 (36%) 8 (32%)
2 3 (27%) - 3 (12%)
3 1 (9%) 4 (29%) 5 (20%)
4 1 (9%) 1 (7%) 2 (8%)
5 3 (27%) 3 (21%) 6 (24%)
n/a - 1 (7%) 1 (4%)
[47] Most of the respondents, whether male or female, found that gender was
relatively unimportant in how others presented themselves online (64% rated
it at 3 or lower).
[48] The results from questions 5 and 5a are unclear. The question was, as
one correspondent pointed out, "verrry broad," and probably confusing. Even
though I am unable to draw any general conclusions from these replies, I
include them to maintain a sense of continuity in this report.
[49] Question 5b: How are your online experiences of gender different from
your face-to-face experiences?
[50] One man wrote, "I can't view on-line women as potential dates/sex
partners. ... When I talk to a new person on the net, I don't care who they
are or what they are like. But when I meet a new person in real life, I
think about whether they are a nice person, will they like me, and could we
become friends." Another man wrote, "the absence of these cues allows me to
eliminate gender considerations more easily. I can block them out with
effort when they interfere, as they do in my interaction with some women,
but online it is much easier to do."
[51] Only one woman responded to this question. Her answer was, "When
people choose to make gender an issue in online communication, it is
similar to face to face communication: it can be subtle or agressive, etc.
But I'd say the difference it that it is an issue FAR FAR LESS online,
than face to face."
[52] Analysis
Many different types of interactions take place online. When the contact is
professional, as several respondents noted, communication is seen as
relatively free of gender cues. When the contact is social, however, there
are may be as many ways of communicating as there are individuals. Some
women prefer flirting with men; others prefer the company and emotional
support of other women. Some men felt that it was easier to get to know
women online; others distrusted the shifting nature of online personas.
[53] On the surface, it would seem that most people feel that cyberspace
tends to be friendly to women. It allows women to adopt more active
personas, and to speak on a "level playing field" reduced of gender cues.
However, as one man said, "try using a woman's handle online someday and
see how many 'hello's you get as compared to your regular handle (if you're
a male, of course!)." As Hoai-An Truong writes, women often have "the
sensation of being the first female to have arrived at a frontier since pay
dirt was struck" (Truong, 1993).
[54] I have also observed that sexist comments and jokes, and the use of
the universals "man" and "he" exclude women from participation. And when
women speak up, they may be actively harassed. One woman reported, "In
responses to my postings he sent email calling me 'hairy-legged feminazi'
... and did lots of innuendos about the probable deficits in my personal
life." It is obvious that face-to-face patterns of thought and interaction
are replicating themselves in cyberspace, despite the many advantages that
CMC offers for equal speech.
[55] In this summary, I have only included the more representative thoughts
of my respondents. Several respondents sent me anecdotes and examples taken
from their experiences with the Internet Relay Chat (IRC) or with
gender-switching on MUDs. I also heard from people who had made met
girlfriends, or eventual husbands, online. Many of their answers were,
unfortunately, only tangentially relevant to my research, so they have not
been included in the questionnaire results. The answers do, however, point
to a phenomenon which does need further investigation. CMC, originally
considered cold and alienating (Walther, 1992), has become, in Marshall
McLuhan's terms, a "cool" medium, one which is "high in participation or
completion by the audience" (McLuhan, 1964). People become highly
emotionally involved in their online interactions. Some people meet and
fall in love online. Participants in "flame wars" (exchanges of angry
postings) report, anecdotally, that their adrenaline levels increase as if
they're preparing for a physical battle.
[56] Questions also arise about the effects that CMC will have on
face-to-face interactions. Will the directness of online communication help
people in their face-to-face interactions? Gerard van der Leun, in the
premier issue of _Wired_, describes how a previously "shy and retiring"
woman, after flirting as "This is a naked lady" online, gradually became
"her online personality-lewd, bawdy, sexy" (van der Leun, 1993). Many other
net anecdotes relate how shy people have experimented with different
personas, and then incorporated them into the presentation of themselves in
everyday life.
[57] Computer mediated communication is a fascinating extension of the ways
in which human beings already communicate. It has the potential to be
liberating, and it has the potential to duplicate all the misunderstandings
and confusion which currently take place in interactions between women and
men in everyday life. The choice of directions is not being made
deliberately, but is being made in the thousands of daily online
interactions, the choices of ways of speaking, and of subjects, which are
gradually shaping, as a river slowly carves a canyon, the culture of
cyberspace.
[58] Bibliography
[59] Bellman, B., Tindimubona, A. and Arias, A. Jr. (1993). Technology
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[60] Benston, M.L. (1988). Women's Voices/Men's Voices: Technology as
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Touch. New York: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 15-28.
[61] Benston, M.L. (1989). Feminism and System Design: Questions of
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[62] Frissen, V. (1992). Trapped in Electronic Cages?: Gender and New
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[63] Goffman, E. (1959). The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life. New
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[64] Harasim, L., ed. (1993). Global Networks: Computers and International
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[65] Kramarae, C. (1988). Gotta go Myrtle, Technology's At the Door. In C.
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Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1-14.
[66] Kramarae, C. and Taylor, J. (1992). Electronic Networks: Safe For
Women? The Electronic Salon: Feminism Meets Infotech: in connection with
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[67] Lakoff, R. (1975). Language and Woman's Place. New York: Harper
Colophon Books.
[68] McLuhan, M. (1964). Understanding Media: The Extensions of Man. New
York: New American Library.
[69] Rush, R.R. and Allen, D., eds. (1989). Communications at the
Crossroads: The Gender Gap Connection. New Jersey: Ablex Publishing
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[70] Selfe, C. and Meyer, P.R. (April 1991). Testing claims for on-line
conferences. Written Communication 8:2, pp. 162-192.
[71] Tannen, D. (1990). You Just Don't Understand, New York: Ballantine Books.
[72] Truong, H-A. (1993). Gender Issues in Online Communications. Paper
presented at the 3rd Annual Conference on Computers, Freedom, and Privacy,
San Francisco, March 1993.
[73] Turkle, S. (1988). Computational Reticence: Why Women Fear the
Intimate Machine. In C. Kramarae (ed.), Technology and Women's Voices:
Keeping in Touch. New York: Routledge & Kegan Paul.
[74] van der Leun, G. (1993) This is a Naked Lady. Wired 1, 74 & 109.
[75] Walther, J.B. (1992). Interpersonal Effects in Computer-Mediated
Interaction: A Relational Perspective. In Communication Research 19, 52-90.
[76] Appendix A: RESEARCH QUESTION: Gender communications questionnaire
[77] I'm a graduate student at Simon Fraser University (Vancouver, Canada),
studying online communication. The question that I'm researching is the
impact of computer networks on communication between the sexes.
Specifically, I'm looking into how relations between men and women are
affected by computer-mediated-communications. I'd appreciate hearing from
you (women and men) on these questions:
[78] In your experience, do men and women communicate with each other
differently online than face-to-face? (Yes or No) a. If yes, then in
what ways? If no, then why not? b. Please give an example or examples from
your own experience, including a description of the circumstances in
which your example(s) occurred. (ie. usenet, email, muds, etc.)
[79] When you're communicating online, are you aware of the
gender of the person with whom you're communicating? (Yes or No)
[80] Do you write your responses differently for women than for men?
[81] Please give an example or examples from your own
experience, including a description of the circumstances in which your
example(s) occurred. (ie. usenet, email, muds, etc.)
[82] Do you think that women communicate differently online than
face-to-face? If so, in what ways? (ie. more or less active?) a.
Please give an example or examples from your own experience, including a
description of the circumstances in which your
example(s) occurred. (ie. usenet, email, muds, etc.)
[83] Communication face-to-face, and even by telephone, is gendered because
of physical cues such as dress, age, voice, etc. These cues are not
transmitted online. How does the absence of these cues affect you? a.
Please give an example or examples from your own experience, including a
description of the circumstances in which your
example(s) occurred. (ie. usenet, email, muds, etc.)
[84] How important is gender to you in the presentation of
yourself online? (On a scale of 1-5 where 1 is not important and 5 is
very important)
[85] How important is gender to you in the presentation of others online?
(On a scale of 1-5 where 1 is not important and 5 is very important)
[86] How are your online experiences of gender different from your
face-to-face experiences?
[87] Please give an example or examples from your own experience.
[88] Thanks for getting this far! Now there are only two easy questions:
1. Are you male or female?
[89] In which newsgroup or mailing list did you see this questionnaire?
[90] Appendix B: List of newsgroups and mailing lists to which this
questionnaire was sent
[91] Usenet Newsgroups
alt.feminism: Unmoderated newsgroup on women and feminism.
soc.women: Unmoderated newsgroup on women and feminism. Content is
very similar to alt.feminism, and many messages are cross-posted to both
newsgroups.
soc.feminism: Moderated newsgroup on feminism. Only messages which
are approved by the moderators are posted.
[92] Mailing lists:
Comgrads: List for discussion of issues relevant to communication
graduate students.
IAMCRnet: A service of the International Association for Mass
Communication Research. Members are professionals in communications.
Peter Gabriel: mailing list for discussion of the music of Peter Gabriel.
Sappho: mailing list for lesbian and bisexual women. No men may join.
Tomi Amos: mailing list for discussion of the music of Tori Amos.
Usenet.hist: private mailing list for the discussion of the history
of usenet.
_____
Articles and Sections of this issue of the _Electronic Journal on Virtual
Culture_ may be retrieved via anonymous ftp to byrd.mu.wvnet.edu
or via e-mail message addressed to LISTSERV@KENTVM
or LISTSERV@KENTVM.KENT.EDU (instructions below)
or GOPHER gopher.cic.net
Papers may be submitted at anytime by email or send/file to:
Ermel Stepp - Editor-in-Chief, _Electronic Journal on Virtual Culture_
M034050@MARSHALL.WVNET.EDU
_________________________________
*Copyright Declaration*
Copyright of articles published by Electronic Journal on Virtual Culture
is held by the author of a given article. If an article is re-published
elsewhere it must include a statement that it was originally published
by Electronic Journal on Virtual Culture. The EJVC Editors reserve the
right to maintain permanent archival copies of all submissions and
to provide print copies to appropriate indexing services for
for indexing and microforming.
_________________________________
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_THE ELECTRONIC JOURNAL ON VIRTUAL CULTURE_
ISSN 1068-5327
Ermel Stepp, Marshall University, Editor-in-Chief
M034050@Marshall.wvnet.edu
Diane (Di) Kovacs, Kent State University, Co-Editor
DKOVACS@Kentvm.Kent.edu
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GOPHER Instructions
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GOPHER to gopher.cic.net 70
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Anonymous FTP Instructions
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ftp byrd.mu.wvnet.edu
login anonymous
password: users' electronic address
cd /pub/ejvc
type EJVC.INDEX.FTP
get filename (where filename = exact name of file in INDEX)
quit
LISTSERV Retrieval Instructions
_______________________________
Send e-mail addressed to LISTSERV@KENTVM (Bitnet) or
LISTSERV@KENTVM.KENT.EDU
Leave the subject line empty. The message must read:
GET EJVCV2N3 CONTENTS
Use this file to identify particular articles or sections then send e-mail
to LISTSERV@KENTVM or LISTSERV@KENTVM.KENT.EDU with the command:
GET
where is the name of the article or section (e.g., author
name) and is the V#N# of that issue of EJVC