The Arachnet Electronic Journal on Virtual Culture __________________________________________________________________ ISSN 1068-5723 July 26, 1994 Volume 2 Issue 3 BALKA V2N3 THE ACCESSIBILITY OF COMPUTERS TO ORGANIZATIONS SERVING WOMEN IN THE PROVINCE OF NEWFOUNDLAND: PRELIMINARY STUDY RESULTS[1] Ellen Balka & Laurel Doucette Women's Studies Programme, Memorial University of Newfoundland ebalka@kean.ucs.mun.ca 1. ABSTRACT 2. A great deal of the writing about computer networking begins with a declaration that computer networks are a democratizing technology (Knight, 1983; Leary 1984; Gabree 1984; Ruthven, 1983). More recent work (Balka, 1993a) however suggests that the inaccessibility of computer technology in general and computer networking technology in particular prohibits women's organizations from realizing the potential benefits associated with computer networking. 3. In this paper, the accessibility of computer networks to women's organizations will be considered through an in-depth case study of women's organizations in Newfoundland and Labrador. Two related areas of access will be addressed: i) the extent to which women's organizations have access to computer hardware and software; and ii), the extent to which these groups have access to knowledge required to successfully utilize computer equipment. In discussing these issues we also consider some of the social and technical problems faced by workers in organizations serving women as they attempt to use computer equipment. 4. Material in the paper draws on research carried out in Newfoundland in 1992. Results are based primarily on responses to a mail survey of all provincial women's organizations (a 78% response rate was achieved), as well as interviews with key informants in women's organizations. 5. _____________________________________________________ 6. PART 1: INTRODUCTION 7. In her introduction to Democratic Communications in the Information Age, Wasko (1992) identifies several questions addressed in the collected articles. They include: 8. * How are new information technologies enhancing (or inhibiting) democratic communications? 9. * How are communications resources enhancing (or inhibiting) democratic progressive movements devoted to social change? 10. * What is the prognosis for democratized communication, as well as for democratization through media or information systems? (Wasco, 1992, p. 6). 11. An understanding of democracy is central to Wasko's (1992) questions. Mosco (1989) has characterized democracy as "the fullest possible public participation in the decisions that affect our lives" (p.67). In discussing democracy, Mosco makes three important points. First, he points out that democracy depends upon participation in decisions related to the social goal of obtaining equality. Second, Mosco points out that participatory democracy is not limited to the political arena, but that it is a process which involves citizens actively creating economic, sociocultural, and political participation and equality (p.68). Finally, Mosco points out that democracy is a public process that flourshies when individuals are able to transcend themselves and meet in public or community gatherings to develop an alternative view of society. Refering to the work of Lowi and Lytel (1986), Mosco argues that a positive relationship exists between computers and democracy when citizens are able to communicate freely in a political community. 12. Wasko's (1992) questions, and Mosco's (1989) discussion of computers and democracy reflect a growing concern that assumptions about new information technology, which are often uncritically accepted by both the government and non-profit sectors, (for example, that it will lead to a more participatory democracy, that it will lessen communication costs, that increased access to information will result in increased business efficiency and contribute to economic development, that it will lead to a more participatory democracy), are problematic. In the paper that follows, the questions posed by Wasko (1992) are addressed in a general sense through a focus on the accessibility of computers and computer networks to women's organizations in Newfoundland. 13. Background 14. The province of Newfoundland, Canada's most easterly province and the eastern most portion of North America, consists of the island of Newfoundland, and the vast and sparsely populated Labrador peninsula. With just over a half million people spread over an area slightly larger than Japan, the population density of the problem is 1.5 people per square kilometer. This low population density presents a number of challenges in terms of communication, and makes the prospect of a low cost decentralized computer network particularly appealing to both the government and non-profit sectors. In Newfoundland the potential of computer networks has received considerable attention. In the mid 1980s the government of Newfoundland commissioned a study on provincial employment and unemployment. 15. By 1986, the official provincial unemployment rate had risen to 19.9 percent, with 45,000 Newfoundlanders actively seeking employment. It was estimated that another 30,000 potential workers had ceased looking for work in the absence of any real hope of obtaining employment (p. 18, Royal Commission, 1986). Within this context a Royal Commission on Employment and Unemployment was formed to investigate and document several aspects of unemployment in Newfoundland (see p. 461-464 of Royal Commission, 1986 for terms of reference). 16. In 1986, in the final report of the Royal Commission on Employment and Unemployment, Newfoundland was described as "displaying signs of both social well- being and social and economic malaise." Rural Newfoundland (with around sixty percent of the provincial population) was made up of 700 communities with populations of less than 5,000 (p. 365, Royal Commission, 1986). 17. The final report of the Royal Commission on Employment and Unemployment (1986) Building on Our Strengths included several comments about the development of a stronger communications and computer infrastructure for the province, as well as a recommendation "to devise and implement a strategy for accelerating the modernization of the communications/information and computer systems of all regions and communities in Newfoundland" (p. 202, Royal Commission, 1986). 18.One of the recommendations of this study was to encourage the development of an information technology industry, with the end goal of providing support for decentralized community-based economic development. Subsequently, several government initiatives were taken in this area. The potential economic benefits of computer communications technology have been recognized by partners in the Enterprise Network, [2] who identified in their mission statement the need to "make commercial, technical and industrial information equally accessible to individuals and organizations in urban, rural and remote regions of the Province, regardless of their technical knowledge and skills" (Newfoundland/Labrador Development Corporation, 1990, p. [i]). 19. This kind of thinking follows in a long tradition of linking computer technology to progressive social change. Since the appearance of the first computer network, ARPANET, in 1968, many constituencies have asserted that computers and computer networks will be essential to future social and economic development. Early in their evolution, computer networks were viewed as convivial and participatory, by both the government and non-profit sectors. For example, Tony Benn, a former British Minister of Technology, argued that computer communications technology would provide the means for an effective, participatory, democracy (Ruthven, 1983). 20. Computers have been greeted with enthusiasm by the non-profit social change sector as well. McCullough (1991) points out that as the cost of personal computers has declined, resource-poor community groups engaged in organizing for social change have become the inadvertent [3] beneficiaries of computer technology. Computer networks, described as a "communications medium that can be shared by all" (Knight, 1983, p. 123), are often viewed as having the potential to "make a horizontal cut through the standard vertical organizational chart" (Brilliant, 1985, p. 174). Thus, they are particularly appealing to social change organizations, which are frequently structured and managed non-hierarchically. 21. At the same time as they acknowledge that computer technology is embedded in political, economic and cultural structures of domination, Downing, Fasano, Friedland, McCullough, Mizrahi and Shapiro (1991) argue that computers "can now be appropriated into organizing for progressive social change" (p. 8). Popular debates about computer networking technology suggest that it ought to meet a diverse array of needs, including those of women's organizations. In theory, computer networks ought to be consistent with the democratic, decentralized, participatory structures of women's organizations dedicated to social change. Theory suggests that computer networks should be accessible to a wide range of women, and that they can enhance the flow of information between members of women's organizations, as well as between organizations. 22. Building on work by Rubinyi (1989) we began our current research by examining contradictory claims: on the one, that under-resourced community groups engaged in organizing for social change have become the inadvertent beneficiaries of computer technology (Downing et.al., 1991); and on the other hand that groups with a decentralized structure experienced difficulty utilizing computer equipment (Rubinyi). In general, we wanted to know if computer networks would be accessible to women's groups in Newfoundland and Labrador, and to what extent (if any) organizational structure came to bear on the ability of groups to utilize equipment. 23. In light of government interest in information technology and extensive public funding of computer resources in Newfoundland, it was particularly pertinent to know whether or not provincial women's organizations were in a position to realize some of the potential benefits of the new technology. Given Brilliant's (1985) observation about the appeal of computer networks to non-hierarchically structured organizations, a starting point of our investigation was the general accessibility of computer communications to organizations serving women, and whether the structure of these organizations influenced this constituency's utilization of computer technology. 24. This work grew from a desire to ascertain whether or not claims made about the democratizing potential of computer technology in general and computer networking technology in particular held truth when women and women's organizations attempted to utilize the technology. Thus, the general line of inquiry described below derives from a critical view of communications that considers (in addition to the questions Wasko identifies above) who owns the technology, who controls it and who has access to it (Wasko, 1992). At issue is whether communications technology reinforces existing social relations or allows for social transformation and new social formations (Mosco & Wasko, 1988). 25. Although it would be tempting to make a distinction here between communicative social processes (such as democracy) and mediating technological tools (such as computer networks), doing so might imply that social and technological activities are separate (rather than interdependent) processes. In this piece we assume that there is a complex relationship between communicative social processes and mediating technological tools. Balka (1991 & 1993a) and Benston & Balka (1993) have discussed the communicative processes surrounding women's use of computer networks and their relationship to various computer network configurations elsewhere. Thus, our intention here is not to discuss the role of computer networks in mediating social processes. We assume that if it is possible to enhance our culture's ability to communicate democratically via computer networks, that such an outcome will require that women's organizations at the very least, have access to that technology. Thus, our goal here is simply to explore whether or not women's groups working for equality in Newfoundland have access to computer networking technology. 26. In this piece we have focused our discussion on access to computer networking technology, as this is one pre-requisite of a democratic communication system (if we understand democratic communications in terms outlined by Mosco, 1989). However, we recognize that there are other pre-requisites to a democratic communication system. These might include correspondence between the design of a communications infrastructure and the social processes and goals identified as desirable (see Balka, 1991), public policies that promote rather than constrain the use of communication technologies by numerous interest groups concerned with equality, and recognition of a number of other social factors (such as linguistic preference, literacy, access to technical competence and expertise) that may come to bear on a particular group's ability to easily use a communication system. [4] 27. Project History and Methodology 28. This project grew from a provincial conference titled The Campus and the Community, which was co- sponsored by the Institute for Social and Economic Research at Memorial University of Newfoundland (ISER), the Dean of Arts, (Memorial University of Newfoundland), the Women's Policy Office (Government of Newfoundland and Labrador), and the Newfoundland chapter of the Canadian Research Institute for the Advancement of Women. The 1991 conference brought women from around the province together with women academics to discuss ways both groups could work together. On that occasion, representatives from several women's groups identified the need for improved information provision to their constituencies, as well as improved communication between women's organizations in the province. 29. Funding from ISER allowed us to develop a project to investigate these questions. In investigating these questions, we collected data that describes a) existing access to computer and telecommunication resources in women's groups and groups serving women; b) current organizational structure and staffing arrangements of these potential users of a computer network; c) patterns of computer use anticipated by women's organizations and actual computer use and maintenance patterns; d) the level of interest in and need for computer networking resources; and e) informational material available for possible inclusion in a database of holdings. In addition, we completed a review of existing computer networking resources available in the province, with an emphasis on the institutional relationships that might affect the accessibility of these networks to women's organizations. We also began working with representatives from provincial women's organizations to develop a participatory design process to be followed in the future implementation of a computer network to serve the needs of organizations serving women. 30. The data summarized here was collected through a mail survey, using methods outlined by Dillman (1978), in Mail and telephone surveys: The total design method. Methodological issues are discussed in further detail in footnote [5] below. Using Dillman's (1978) system of multiple follow-ups, we obtained a response rate of seventy-eight percent. 31. PART 2: FINDINGS 32. AVAILABILITY OF COMPUTERS TO WOMEN'S ORGANIZATIONS IN NEWFOUNDLAND 33. Our questions about access to computers assumed little or no knowledge about computers. We began by asking if the group had access to a personal computer, and if so, what type of computer the group had access to. 71.3% (n=92) of the groups responding to the survey had access to one or more personal computers. Because we were interested in the possibility of implementing a computer network to serve these groups in the future, we were interested in what type of personal computer groups had access to. Perhaps because of the lower cost of IBM compatible computers compared to Apple computers, provincial organizations serving women in Newfoundland overwhelmingly use IBM compatible computers (92.4% of groups, n=85), while only six groups (6.5% of those with access to a computer) use Apple computers. 3.3% of groups with access to a computer indicated they used a brand other than an IBM or Apple. In two cases respondents were unable to identify the brand of computer their group used, and in a few cases groups indicating access to a computer other than an IBM or compatible listed the brand name of an IBM compatible (such as Epson). 34. Given the settlement and commercial patterns in Newfoundland, the delivery of technical computer support is a critical issue. In many communities throughout the province, no computer hardware or software vendors exist. Thus, the provision of informal forms of support may become more critical than would be the case in densely populated regions where access to support may be gained through the commercial sector (through computer shops, for example). 35. The data on type of computers being used (together with our data about software being utilized to complete a variety of tasks) suggests that it would be relatively easy to develop a mechanism for delivering technical support pertaining to the use of computer programs to those groups who have invested in IBM or compatible machines. To the extent that software support can be delivered through informal peer networks, groups contemplating the purchase of computer equipment in Newfoundland may want to acquire IBM compatible equipment as they are likely to obtain support from similar organizations more easily with this type of equipment (a strategy advocated by Cordero, 1991). 36. Perhaps because of high staff turnover (another difficulty also identified by Cordero, 1991) and a dearth of organizational records (frequent characteristics of organizations in this sector), 8 groups (8.8% of those with access to computer equipment) could not say when their group had first obtained access to a computer. Thus, the response to this question was somewhat lower than other questions. Based on responses provided however, it appears that the acquisition of computers by women's organizations in Newfoundland occurred in two waves. The dates of acquisition range from 1970 to 1992. Four groups acquired access to a computer prior to 1982 (4.7% of those groups with access). 33.7% of groups (n=29) with computers acquired their first computer between 1983 and 1987. 58.1% of groups with access (n=50) acquired their computers between 1988 and the implementation of the survey in 1992. 37. Initial computer access started slowly, picked up in the early 1980s, peaked at the turn of the decade, and started to drop in 1991. This may indicate that groups that are now still without computer access may have either no use for a computer, or little chance of acquiring access to one. This also suggests that the possibility of this population enjoying shared communications via computer network has only recently emerged as a possibility. Compared to commercial users, corporate users and computer hobbyists, women's organizations have probably lagged behind in their acquisition of computers. 38. Because Rubiniyi's (1989) earlier work indicated that community groups with a decentralized structure may have a more difficult time taking advantage of computer equipment than those with a centralized hierarchical structure, we asked several questions about organizational structure.[6] We also asked respondents questions about the services their organization or group provided, and who (paid staff, steering committees and/or board members, or other volunteers) did what kinds of tasks. 39. Groups with no paid staff had access to computer equipment in 50.9% of cases (n=29). Not surprisingly, groups with paid staff were much more likely to have access to computer equipment. 87.5% of groups with paid staff (n=63) had access to computer equipment, while only 12.5% of groups with paid staff lacked access to computer equipment (n=9). 75.7% of groups with no access to computers had no paid staff (n=28) while only 24.3% of those groups with paid staff (n=9) lacked access to computer equipment. 40. In our experiences working with women's organizations we had observed several situations where groups had access to computer equipment, but they did not own it. One of the potential consequences of this is that groups that do not own their computer equipment are particularly vulnerable to losing their access to it. In addition, these groups may not have a say in what hardware or software is available, or to what extent equipment is maintained. In light of the potential ramifications of using (but not owning) a computer, we included a question in our survey about ownership of computer equipment. 41. In 59.8% of cases where groups indicated they had access to a computer (n=55), those groups indicated they owned the computer. However, in 14.1% of cases where groups had access (n=13), the equipment the group had access to was owned by a member of the group, while in 9.8% of the groups (n=9) the computer the group used was owned by another organization. 10.9% of groups with access to a computer (n=10) indicated that their computer was owned by someone other than the group, a group member or another organization, and 5.4% of those groups with access (n=5) indicated they had access to a computer through more than one of the avenues identified. In the case of those groups indicating some arrangement for access other than those we had identified on the survey, responses were particularly interesting. For example, 4 groups indicated that members use their own computer, at home or at their places of work, though there was no indication of whether or not the place of employment was aware that its equipment is being used in this way). In one instance, a group used a computer located at the place of work of a group member's spouse. 42. Some aspects of organizational structure (such as whether or not an organization has any paid staff, and whether, in the event that paid staff were present, they had position titles) appear to have a statistically significant relationship to the ownership of the computer equipment in use by groups. For example, amongst those groups with paid staff that had access to a computer, whether or not paid staff had position titles was a reasonably good predictor (Cramer's V=.57657) of whether or not the computer the group used was owned by the group (as opposed to another organization, a group member etc.). 43. Whether or not a group has paid staff is an even better predictor of ownership of the computer equipment used by the group (Cramer's V=.78656). In 96.4% of cases where a group owned the computer equipment it used (n=53), the group also had paid staff. In contrast, in only 3.6% percent of cases where computer equipment used by a group was owned by a group (n=2), were no paid staff present. Consistent with these findings, in 92.3% of cases (n=12) where the computer equipment in use by a group is owned by a member of the group, the group does not enjoy the luxury of paid staff. 44. In groups where paid staff did not have position titles, in only 18.8% of cases (n=3) was the computer owned by the group. In contrast, in groups where paid staff had position titles, 81% of groups (n=51) used computer equipment owned by the group. In other words, for groups with paid staff members, whether or not paid staff have position titles is a reasonably good predictor of whether or not the computer the group uses is owned by the group, as opposed to used by the group through some other arrangement other than ownership. Further analysis of data is required to determine to what extent (if any) this and other organizational variables may be associated with groups' experiences with computer equipment. 45. The implications of this are that in the vast majority of cases when an organization in our population had no paid staff, computer equipment in use by the group was owned by a group member or entity other than the group itself. In turn, this meant that those groups without paid staff were particularly vulnerable to losing their access to computer equipment. So, in the event that we are able to develop a computer communications infrastructure to support the needs of women's groups in Newfoundland, we will need to ensure that those groups without paid staff (44.2%, n=57 at the time the survey was conducted) have unhindered access to computer equipment. 46. Access to Fax Machines, Modems and Computer Networks 47. Some previous research (Asseshton-Smith, 1988) indicates that when some users have difficulty with computer networks, they may resort to the often more familiar technology of fax machines. Fax machines may also be useful in terms of providing technical support and encouragement to potential computer network users. Finally, fax machines may be an invaluable backup technology to computer networks in the event that computer networks are temporarily inaccessible to users, either because of network failures, or an inability to access a specific networking system. Asseshton-Smith also pointed out that in one instance where a potential computer network user was unable to gain direct access to a computer network, she was able to participate in discussions that took place largely via computer network by faxing contributions to a network participant who placed her faxed material on the computer network, and faxed network discussions to her. With this in mind, we were interested in whether or not fax machines could be used as an alternative to some forms of communication that took place via computer network. 48. We asked organizations if they owned or had access to a fax machine in order to gain a better sense of the communications environment that organizations serving women in Newfoundland worked within. Our respondents were generally positive about the use of fax machines, and their responses would seem to indicate that amongst this population, fax machines are viewed as a relatively user-friendly technology. 49. We asked respondents if they had access to a fax machine, what their fax number was, and, in the event that they did not own a fax machine, where the fax machine they used was located. 18.6% of respondents (n=24) indicated that they did not have access to a fax machine. 48.1% of groups (n=62) in our population indicated that they owned a fax machine, while 33.3 (n=43) indicated that they had access to a fax machine owned by another group or through an individual. 50. Nearly a third of the groups provided some open- ended information about their fax access. Some groups reported that they use more than one fax number. In some cases, fax numbers were shared by two, three or four groups. Information provided in response to the open ended question about fax use revealed that the organizations have utilized a variety of means to obtain access to this technology. 12.9% of respondents (n=10) use the fax machine of another organization, institution or business. In 6% of cases (n=8), the group gains access to a fax machine through the employment of a member or members. 51. Five groups use the fax number of a parent organization or institution, and 4 groups use the fax number of another women's organization. There are a few cases where access to a fax is gained through a provincial office, government office or through a municipal office. One group uses the fax number of their national head office in Ottawa. One group has access through the personal home fax of a group member, and another group reports access to a fax machine through the employment of a spouse or friend. 52. Of the 28.7% of respondents who lacked access to a computer, (n=37), 45.9% (n=17) also do not have their own fax machine. However, most of these groups (16 of 17, or 43.2% of groups without access to a computer) have access to a fax machine at another location. Only 10.8% of groups (n=4) without access to a computer own their own fax machine. In contrast, 93.5% of those groups that own a fax machine (n=58) also have access to a personal computer. 62.8% of these groups (n=58) which have access to a fax machine at another location have access to a computer. However, 13.2% (n=17) of our population lacked access to both a computer and a fax machine. Clearly this sub-set of the population will require special attention if they are to be included in communication which occurs through either fax or computer network. 53. Although we found that access to personal computers was quite high amongst the population studied, access to modems (and consequently computer networks) was significantly lower than access to personal computers. And, although Asseshton-Smith (1988) indicated described a situation where a fax machine was used as an alternative to a direct link to a computer network, this practice did not appear to be common, at least among the population discussed here. 54. Although 71.8% of groups (n=92) had access to a computer, only 28.7% of our population (n=37), representing 39.8 % of those with access to a computer, have access to a modem, which is required in order to utilize a computer network. 5 groups, representing 5.4% of groups with access to a computer indicated that they did not know if they had access to a modem. Since it is possible for groups to gain access to a computer network through a large computer system located elsewhere, we also asked respondents if they had access to a large central mainframe computer system and gave respondents five options for a response. 70.9% of respondents (n=90) lacked access to such a system. 11% (n=14) of groups had access to such a computer system at a university or community college, and 11.8% (n=15) had access to such a system through a government office. None of the groups indicated that they had access to a commercial computer network, although they were given this as an option. However, 6.3% of groups (n=8) indicated they had access to such a system by selecting the category for other. This suggests that there were perhaps some problems with the level of knowledge of computer networks we assumed in asking this question. This anomaly may indicate that among our constituents, many lack an understanding of whether the computer network they use is commercial or non-profit, where it is located and how it is configured, and so on. 55. In addition to asking groups whether or not they had access to a modem and/or a mainframe computer, we also asked whether or not groups had access to electronic mail or computer conferencing. 68.5% of respondents (n=87) did not have access to electronic mail or computer conferencing while 24.4% of groups (n=31) did have access to computer communications. 7.1% of respondents (n=9) did not know if they had access to electronic mail or computer conferencing. 56. We asked those groups that had used a computer network to indicate what they had used a computer network for. Responses were varied. The activities mentioned fell into several categories, which included electronic mail and general, unspecified information exchange (5 groups); sending local messages between offices (3 groups); communication within the province (4 groups); communication with branch offices in other provinces (1 group); interprovincial communication (other than with head office), (1 group); international communication (1 group); file transfer (4 groups); consultation of resource library (4 groups); consultation of databases, including Statistics Canada (3 groups); general access to research/information sources (1 group); bulletin board type use (1 group); educational usage (participation in a distance course) (1 group). In addition, one group noted that they could use an electronic mail or message system, but did not. Thus, although only a small percentage of our population was at the time of the survey using computer networking facilities, of those, 41.4% (n=12) were using the ACOA/Enterprise Network, which offers a fairly wide range of services, many of which are mentioned above, such as access to the Statistics Canada database and consultation of resource library. 57. Although responses to open ended questions described above seem to indicate thorough use of features other than electronic mail, patterns of use reported by the ACOA/Enterprise Network (1994) indicate a general under utilization of database facilities, and a substantially higher than anticipated demand for communication via electronic mail and file transfer. For example, 60.1% (ACOA/Enterprise Network, 1994:32) of the Women's Enterprise Bureau's use of the ACOA/Enterprise Network involved the use of communication tools (electronic mail and file transfer), which is somewhat higher than the use of those on-line facilities by all user groups (46% of total network use). (ACOA/Enterprise Network, 1994:30). 58. Although 24.4% of respondents indicated that they had access to electronic mail, when asked whether their group had an electronic address, only 13.2% of all respondents (54.5% of those indicating that they had access to electronic mail) indicated that they had an electronic mail address (n=17). We asked those groups that indicated that they had an electronic mail address to supply their addresses. From respondent supplied electronic mail addresses we were able to determine two things. First, we were able to ascertain that amongst those groups using electronic mail, two systems were used more than others. Seven groups indicated that they had electronic mail addresses through the Memorial University computer system, and five groups indicated that they had access to electronic mail through the ACOA/Enterprise Network. (Three additional groups had individual addresses: a federally supported community development agency, a provincial government office, and a Native people's association). 59. Secondly, most of these addresses were not given in complete and accurate form. From this fact, along with responses to a question that solicited information about what network(s) groups had used (many respondents could not identify which computer communication systems they had used), we have ascertained that at the time of the survey (Spring, 1992), despite access to equipment required for computer communications, most groups in our census lacked knowledge that would allow them to avail themselves of the potential connectivity afforded by their equipment. Previous research (Balka, 1991 & 1993a & 1993b; Benston, 1989; Benston & Balka, 1993) suggested that access to knowledge required to use computer communication systems is often overlooked. We address this issue in detail below. 60. ACCESS TO KNOWLEDGE REQUIRED TO SUCCESSFULLY USE COMPUTER EQUIPMENT 61. Background 62. In efforts to understand and overcome the limitations associated with integrating users into the process of developing technology, several researchers have examined the theoretical basis of the design process, and developed a number of approaches aimed at creating a development process that supports cooperative systems design. Researchers working in this area (Bermann & Thoresen, 1988; Floyd, 1987; Grudin, 1988; Kyng, 1988; Suchman & Jordan, 1988) have argued that much of the early work concerned with human- computer interaction failed to develop a critical assessment of the technology that would lead researchers to study the ways that social context, power relations, and social bias may affect the actual systems that are created. 63. Work by Suchman and Jordan (1988) begins to bring together material concerned with cooperative systems design, and gender and technology. They begin by pointing out that both the design and use of technology involve appropriation. Most technologies are designed at a distance from the situation of their use. This leads to an inevitable gap between scenarios of design and circumstances of use. Regardless of the accuracy of the designer's understanding of end use, the gap exists and has to be filled by users; hence design is only fully completed in use. Suchman and Jordan have observed that women lack both the authoritative knowledge in relation to computers as well as involvement with the implementation and use of computers. These shortcomings prohibit women from appropriating this technology. 64. Suchman and Jordan (1988) point out that in settings where women are primary participants, the legitimacy of their knowledge is subordinated to claims on authoritative knowledge put forth by men. Balka (1991) found evidence of this in her research about the use of computer networks in the context of feminist social change. Among the examples she cites was the situation of one computer network (The Amazon Line) targeted for women users which failed due to an inability to foresee the special training needs of women as a user group. Balka also attributed the relative success of another computer network (The Women's Bulletin Board System in New York City) partly to the provision of ample support to users by Women's Bulletin Board staff. 65. So, despite the lack of attention given to gender by scholars and activists working in the participatory design framework (see for example all but Eastman's contribution to Downing, Fasano, Friedland, McCullough, Mizrahi & Shapiro, 1991, and all but Bravo's contribution to Schuler & Namioka, 1993), we felt that expertise and gender warranted a special focus in our study of women's access to computers in Newfoundland. 66. Based on past experiences working with women's groups to solve computer problems, we designed a series of questions aimed at determining who was solving the inevitable computer problems that arise in normal organizational use of computers, the gender of that person or persons, and their relationship to the group, along with answering a number of other questions related to who in groups uses computer equipment, how they learned to use that equipment and what (if any) problems they encountered. We were also interested in who helped make the initial decision about what type of computer to get, and who initially set up the computer. We were particularly interested in this line of inquiry because past experience working with women's organizations where someone external to the group set up computer equipment, and was not subsequently available when changes had to be made.[7] 67. Computer acquisition 68. Many respondents had problems in answering the question of who had helped them decide what kind of computer to get, since many groups did not make any decision--they used the computers of members, member groups, or sponsoring bodies, or had the decision made for them by a parent body within a large institution. In addition, 17.4% of groups (n=16) indicated that they did not know who had helped make the decision about what type of computer to get. 69. Following the advice of a member of the group was a popular path to follow amongst respondents to our survey. 19.6% of groups (n=14) indicated that one member of the group had helped make the decision about computer acquisition, while 13% of respondents (n=12) indicated that more than one group member provided advice about computer acquisition. 70. To our surprise, 19.6% of groups (n=14) indicated that they had gotten assistance from a source other than those we provided as response options on the survey. Respondents selecting this option described a wide range of options in relation to how decisions about the acquisition of computer equipment had been made. Responses provided by those groups that indicated "other" included that the decision about what type of computer to acquire was made by paid staff or members of parent group or informal (or even unwitting) "godparent" groups. In one case a group was using a donated computer, and thus had not been involved in deciding what type of computer their group would use. In one instance the decision about what type of computer to acquire had been made by the spouse of a group member. Finally, in two cases where "other" was selected the respondent indicated that a group member owned the group's computer (and thus presumably made the decision about what type of computer to acquire). 71. Fourteen percent of respondents indicated they had received help in deciding what type of computer to buy from more than one source listed in the group of possible responses. In these cases, groups who reported help from a combination of sources typically obtained help from one or more members of the group and a paid consultant. 8.7% of respondents (n=8) indicated that no one had assisted them in making this decision, while non-member volunteers, paid consultants and computer vendors were identified as providing assistance in 3.3% (n=3), 2.2% (n=2) and 2.2% (n=2) of cases respectively. 72. Perhaps reflecting the lack of institutional memory and record keeping endemic to women's organizations (which may well be tied to rapid staff turnover), in 31% of valid responses to this question (n=26)8 (which represented 28.3% of those groups with access to a computer,) respondents did not know whether the person or people who helped decide what type of computer to get was a man or a woman. This is somewhat surprising in light of the fact that 58.1% of groups with access (n=50) acquired their computers between 1988 and the implementation of the survey in 1992. In 31% of cases (n=26) assistance in setting up the group's computer was provided by a woman, while in 26.2% of cases (n=22) this support was provided by a man. 10 groups (11.9% of those with computers) indicated that either a man and a woman had assisted, or the gender of one person who helped set up the computer was unknown. 73. All respondent groups with computers provided an answer to the question of who set up their computer equipment. In light of previous response patterns it was not surprising that 27.2% of groups (n=25) with access to a computer did not know who had helped set that computer up. In cases where it was known who had set up the group's computer equipment, the most commonly cited source of assistance for setting up the computer equipment was paid staff (22.8%, n=21), followed by a paid consultant (13%, n=12). Computer vendors were used to help set up computers almost as often as paid consultants (10.9% of cases, n=10), while 8 groups (8.7%) relied on assistance from more than one source. Volunteer members and non-members of the group were used in 7.6% (n=7) and 6.5% of cases (n=6) respectively. In the 3 cases where "other" was selected, (3.3% of groups with computers) setting up the computer equipment in use by the group was handled by the organization or individual that owned the computer equipment. 74. Access to Computer Training 75. Previous research (Balka, 1986) indicated that, although the introduction of computers into a workplace often requires that workers learn new work procedures related to computer use, that in many instances computers are introduced into a workplace and workers are not provided with training to use the new technology. This appeared to be particularly true when jobs commonly held by women were involved, perhaps reflecting social beliefs that such jobs require little skill, and thus little training. This phenomenon, combined with observations from working with women's groups, led us to ask how those people in a group who used a computer learned to use the equipment. 76. Consistent with some of Balka's (1986) findings, the most popular response to this question was everyone learns on their own, which garnered 36.5% of responses to this question (n=24). In 18.8% of cases groups indicated that people taught one another how to use the equipment (n=16). In-house training was provided in only 8 instances (9.4%), and in 6 instances (7.1% of cases), group staff were sent to courses to learn to use computers. In 28.2% of groups with computers, more than one of the above mechanisms for acquiring computer skill was used. Although our data does not indicate why self learning and peer learning are popular forms of computer skill acquisition among this population, one implication is that those groups that purchase software and thus have access to manufacturer's manuals as well as proper software installations are likely to be more successful in utilizing their equipment. 77. Computer Use 78. We asked a series of questions concerning what groups anticipated they would use the computer for, what they actually did use the computer for, and who used the computer for what types of tasks. We were interested in determining the extent to which groups' pre-acquisition plans for their computer equipment were met. We also thought these questions would help us document unusual patterns of use of computer equipment. For example, in one women's organization in another province, volunteers use the organization's computer equipment, but paid staff do not. Also, in many instances problems with computer hardware and software result in substantially different patterns of use than those initially anticipated. 79. Of the 92 groups with access to a computer, one reported that they did not actually use the computer. Not surprisingly, in 72.5% of cases (n=66), computers were used by paid staff. In 33% of cases where groups had access to computers (n=30), volunteers used computers to do work for the group. In 25% of cases (n=23) group members did their own (private, as opposed to group) work on the computer equipment accessible to the group. Perhaps more surprising is that in 8.8% of cases computers were used exclusively by group members to do their own (as opposed to the group's) work. For these groups it is possible that despite the presence of computer equipment, computers have not become integral to how group tasks are carried out. 80. Further information was sought about computer use through questions on planned and actual computer use for specific tasks. Because some groups acquired access to a computer without actively "planning" on using one, they had difficulty responding to the question on planned usage, and three of the 92 groups with computer access did not respond. 81. Where planning occurred, it concentrated on the more routine office work. In order of prevalence, the planned tasks were as follows: typing (92.2%, n=83); preparing mailing lists and/or labels (78.9%, n=71); accounting (48.9%, n=44); graphics (27.8%, n=25); electronic mail (26.7%, n=24); desktop publishing (25.6%, n=23); training (22.2%, n=20). In 5.6% of cases (n=5), survey respondents did not know for which tasks the computer had been acquired. Through an open ended response associated with this question we also found that groups used the computer for the following tasks: to access and maintain a resource inventory, to automate a library for purposes of developing a province-wide network, to conduct bibliographic research on-line, to maintain files (including client information and computerized psychological assessment data), to maintain a data base, to prepare leaflets, to maintain registration information for a professional association, and to conduct research (within a medical agency), and perform statistical analyses. On the subject of actual (as opposed to anticipated) use of the computer, two groups reported they do not use the computer for any tasks. Other responses suggest that, at least where routine office jobs are concerned, the majority of groups are using the computer more or less as they had planned. 82. We provided respondents with a list of common office tasks adjacent to a series of blank lines, and asked respondents to indicate on the blank lines what software they used to complete which tasks. A glance through the responses to this question suggests that there may be a high level of confusion concerning the use of computer programmes (or software). For example, the programme Lotus is listed not only under accounting, but also under typing (1 instance), graphics (2 instances), and other tasks which are not specified (2 instances). Keeping in mind the potential problems with this response, it appears that most organizations in the study population (87%, n=80) use WordPerfect for word processing. Another widely used programme is dBASE, which was used for preparing mailing lists and/or labels (7 instances), accounting (1 instance), training (2 instances), and other uses such as maintaining a database of employee information and of statistics (4 instances). It appears that dBASE III, III Plus, and IV are actively in use. 83. Computer Maintenance And Expertise 84. Our previous work with women's organizations suggested that maintenance of computer equipment was a chronic problem. Also, even within the participatory design paradigm the social relations of expertise seldom face critical scrutiny (Downing et.al., 1991 provide a good example of uncritical acceptance of the role of the expert in maintaining computer equipment. Benston (1986) and Suchman and Jordan (1988) provide critiques of these relations). Thus we were interested not only in the relation to the group of people who performed computer maintenance to the group, but also the gender of these people. 85. On the question of computer maintenance, a number of respondent groups made multiple choices from the given options, or indicated a combination of maintenance persons. Returns from the 92 valid cases reported indicate that, as with the setting up of equipment, paid staff, (either of the group itself or of a parent organization) are the most likely delivery mechanisms for computer maintenance. However, as was the case with installation of groups' computers, the picture is quite varied. To our surprise, paid staff took care of maintenance needs in 41.3% of cases (n=38). Computer vendors handled maintenance needs for 19.6% of groups (n=18), while paid consultants handled computer problems in only 12% of the groups (n=11). Also in 12% of the groups computer maintenance was performed by a volunteer member, and in 12% of cases respondents did not know who dealt with computer maintenance. As was the case with deciding what type of computer to acquire, maintenance of equipment was performed in some instances by a parent organization (6.7%; n=6) that owned the computer equipment, and maintenance was provided by private owners in 4.3% of cases (n=4). In 2 cases no one provided maintenance, in one case it was provided by a non-member of the group, and in one case it was handled by a vendor until the warranty expired, and then it was handled by a paid consultant. 86. We asked respondents if anyone had emerged as a computer expert for their group, and if so, who filled that role, and whether that person was male or female. These questions were partly aimed at ascertaining whether Rubiniyi's (1989) findings that groups with a centralized structure were better able to take advantage of computer equipment held true. Also, these questions sought to explore whether or not groups in our population reflected patterns advocated by authors in Downing et. al. (1991). For example, Cordero (1991) reported that one organization she worked with benefitted from having one person assigned the responsibility of managing computer use. Similarly, Kramer advocates making sure that someone in-house is willing to "keep up with the technology" (Kramer, 1991:125). Finally, one consultant who frequently works with small social change sector organizations quoted in Fasano and Shapiro (1991:132) indicates that she won't even take jobs now unless an organization has one person who is the computer champion/guru. 87. In 56.6% of groups with computer access (n=51), respondents indicated that a computer expert had emerged for their group, while in 44% of cases (n=40) no expert had emerged. In cases where respondents indicated that a computer expert had emerged for their group, they were invited to proceed to the next question and indicate the relationship of the expert to their group. In response to this question, 68.6% (n=35) of those indicating an expert had emerged identified a member of their group as the group's computer expert. In 13.7% (n=7) of groups with an expert, the expert was identified as a non-member of the group acting voluntarily. Paid consultants served as experts for 7.8% (n=4) of groups with an expert, and for 3.9% of groups with an expert, that role was filled by a computer vendor. Seven groups, representing 13.7% of those groups with an expert, indicated that the person filling that role did not fit into any of our pre- defined categories. Among the responses listed here were family of a staff member, the organization's computer committee, or a combination of people filling some of the roles previously identified. To our surprise, in instances where a computer expert had been identified by groups in our population, that role was filled by women in 78.4% of cases (n=40), and by a man in 37.3% of cases (n=19). (Some groups reported more than one response to this question, and thus totals may appear to be inconsistent). 88. Respondent's Impressions of Their Use of Computer Equipment 89. A number of groups reported positive experiences with computers. They faced no major problems, were happy with the quality of the work they could produce, and looked forward to learning more so that they could fully exploit the technology. Some felt it was easy to expand on skills, once a basic level of ability was achieved. Groups who were part of the ACOA/Enterprise Network were particularly pleased with what they could do with that system. Others who used other networks or used electronic mail were similarly pleased. Some groups without access to a network expressed a wish to have "information at their fingertips" through a network. 90. Many groups and their members have a positive view of computers. They feel computers have increased their efficiency, they are happy with their own systems and they can see potential applications of computer technology, both in-house and on-line. A number of respondents indicated that they were currently upgrading their skills, either as individuals or as a group. People who have support for managing their computer system within their parent organization or within their own agency are particularly satisfied. 91. There was only one report of fear of a computer that "eats documents"; and only one group used the term "computer illiterate" in describing themselves. However, some groups have had hardware problems. Three groups reported crashed hard drives, including one on a new machine. One group reported that the motor of their printer had given out, while another group reported that a tape back-up system had broken after only 8 months. 92. Other groups reported software problems. These included an inability to retrieve files within one system on a regular basis, and software upgrades that did not work properly. One organization had a piece of software designed just for them only to find that it did not work well enough for their uses and was hard to fix. Another group indicated that they wanted a better software package for mailing lists in order to do selective mail-outs from a base list. 93. Several groups complained about the lack of funds: for software, for sending staff to training, and for a computer itself. Lack of training seemed to be a common problem. In addition, many groups felt they were not using their computer to its potential, because they did not have the skills. They were restricted to typing and mailing list uses. One group reported the loss of the one staff person who had computer skills, which suggests that some groups may come to rely heavily on one person for support. For some groups, finding a suitable consultant to help with maintenance and give advice was a problem. Other complaints included that one group's computers were over-used (and thus the group needed more computers), and that one group's various computers were not integrated with each other, nor with the printer, and this reduced efficiency. 94. CONCLUSION 95. To the extent that when computers are used by organizations in the service of "democratic struggles" (McCullough, 1991: 10) they are used in an organizational (and thus social) context, it is imperative that we consider the extent to which computers are accessible to various constituencies prior to making proclamations about the democratizing potential of information technologies or the communications they support. The democratic potential of new information technologies lies in part in the social context and social relations of their use, which includes social relations that govern access to systems of expertise, as well as patterns of ownership. These in turn are located within larger webs of economic and social relations. 96. Our focus here on the accessibility of computers and computer communications to organizations serving women has been limited. We have yet to explore the accessibility of these technologies to this constituency in relation to literacy levels, linguistic differences, settlement patterns (urban as opposed to outport communities), and the federal and provincial regulatory policies that contribute to patterns of use. However the material presented here should clearly illustrate the need to question popular assumptions about the accessibility of technology to various sectors, especially women. 97. To the extent that we assume that democratized communication will be a requisite for social and economic participation and growth, it is essential that we continue to ask the kind of questions posed in the study whose findings have been reported here. Although we have restricted our focus to a sector of potential users of computer technology in the context of computer communications, the kinds of questions posed here should be treated as pertinent to all sectors and constituencies that must work together to effect social and economic justice. Democratic communications, as outlined by Wasko and Mosco (1992), will require ongoing critical reflection about the dynamic social and economic nature of technologic change. A failure to recognize how context-dependent technology is, and to account for differences in that context (such as organizational structure) may result in a superficial acceptance of new communications technology which may restrict rather than enhance our ability to have our voices heard. 98. BIBLIOGRAPHY 99. _Proceedings of the conference on computer- supported cooperative work_ (pp. 178-188). Portland: CSCW. 100. 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(1993). _Participatory design: Perspectives on systems and designs_. Hillsdale N.J.: Lawrence Earlbaum. 136. SPSS Inc. (1983). _SPSSx User's Guide_.Chicago: SPSS Inc. 137. Suchman, L. & Jordan, B. (1988). Computerization and women's knowledge. In _Women, work and computerization: IFIP conference proceedings_, 1988. Amsterdam. 138. Thiessen, V. (1993). _Arguing with numbers:Statistics for the social sciences_. Halifax: Fernwood. 139. Wasko, J. & Mosco, V. (1992) (Eds.). _Democraticcommunications in the information age._ Toronto:Garamond. 140. Wasko, J. (1992). "Introduction: Go tell it to the Spartans." In J. Wasko & V. Mosco (Eds.). _Democratic communications in the information age._ Toronto:Garamond. 141. END NOTES _______________________________ 142. [1] We are grateful to the Institute for Social and Economic Research (ISER) at Memorial University for providing funding for this project. In addition we would like to acknowledge both the financial and intellectual support of those organizations that supported the workshop The Campus and the Community, from which this project grew. Finally, we would like to acknowledge the contributions of Beverly Brown who maintained a sense of humour while transcribing interviews and entering data from questionnaires into the computer, and provided useful comments on earlier drafts of this paper. 143. [2] The Enterprise Network is a joint project of the Newfoundland and Labrador Development Corporation and the federally-fundedAtlantic Canada Opportunities Agency to "promote development in rural and remote regions of the province through the application of Information Technology concepts and services" (Newfoundland/Labrador Development Corporation, 1990, p.1). 144. [3] Social change groups have become the inadvertent beneficiaries to the extent that the technology was not initially designed for use by this sector. Computer technology in general and computer communications technology in particular were initially developed as military technologies. Despite such military roots, progressive social change groups have made frequent proclamations about the technology's democratizing potential, which was in many cases overlooked initially by the commercial sector. See Balka, 1991 (chapter 2) for an extended discussion of the social history of computer networking. 145. [4] For a more detailed discussion of democratic communications see Mosco, 1989; Mosco & Wasko, 1988; Raboy & Bruck, 1989 and Wasko & Mosco, 1992. 146. [5] Data was collected through the use of mail surveys, sent out with a letter outlining the project objectives, and a postage paid return envelope. Dillman's procedures were followed with the exception that follow-up letters and calls were used rather than registered mail, for the third and final follow-up. Two issues had to be addressed prior to sending out the survey. First, the population of potential respondents had to be identified, and second, addresses and names of contacts had to be located. 147. In light of the settlement and communication patterns that are intrinsic to Newfoundland, extensive use of a variety of social and employment networks enabled us to identify groups to be included in the survey along with contact people and mailing addresses for those groups. For example, we began identifying our survey population with a province- wide mailing list of women's organizations maintained by Memorial University's Women's Studies Programme. We cross checked groups and addresses on this list against similar lists provided by the Provincial Advisory Council on the Status of Women and the Women's Policy Office. We took our list to events which drew representatives from women's groups across the province and sought corrections and additions to our list. We also drew on the cumulative knowledge of our advisory board to make additions and corrections as well as identify instances of duplication. 148. Although this process allowed us to assemble an address list of potential survey respondents, it failed to address the fundamental issue of just what a women's organization was, and consequently which groups would be included in our project. We realize that how one defines "women's organization" is likely to vary with the context in which the term is used, with the population responsible for delimiting and defining what a women's organization is, with the geographic location. After extensive discussion, we decided to use a fairly broad definition of women's organization, one that reflected the realities of feminist organizing in the province of Newfoundland, where there is a high degree of awareness of activities carried out in various sectors, with many women working for more than one organization and members of organizations often collaborating on projects. After some consideration, we decided to include organizations which in a broad sense were dedicated to obtaining social justice for women. Some of these organizations (such as Oxfam) are not specifically womens organizations, but have made consistent contributions to the womens movement in the province. Some organizations (such as the Womens Institutes) may not see themselves as feminist organizations, but have contributed substantially to women's social and economic well being. 149. We identified 166 groups that met our criteria. These groups included women's groups and centres (including native women's groups), craft organizations, business and development groups (for example, the Women's Enterprise Bureau), government offices serving women (such as the Women's Policy Office, and the Secretary of State Women's Program office), organizations concerned with violence (including advocacy groups, shelters and hostels for women), and family, general and religious organizations (for example the Day Care Advocates Association, Oxfam and Anglican Church Women, respectively). In addition, we included organizations involved in health promotion that often serve women (such as the Canadian Mental Health Association), organizations concerned with reproductive rights (such as the Morgantaler Clinic), educational and research institutions and organizations (such as the Women's Studies Programme at Memorial University), literacy organizations, labour union women's committees, professional associations composed primarily of women (such as the Association of Registered Nurses and Women in Trades and Technology), Aboriginal organizations (such as the Labrador Inuit Association), groups concerned with poverty such as Single Mom's Against Poverty, and political groups, such as the women's committees of provincial political parties represented in Newfoundland. 150. Prior to mailing, the surveys were pre- tested extensively. Nonetheless, as is often the case with self-administered surveys, we did not always anticipate the variety of possible responses. As a consequence, some adaptations to our coding scheme were made to reflect the realities of our data set. (Mostly these amounted to allowing for multiple responses to questions where we had not anticipated multiple responses). Survey data was entered into a database that was programmed to screen for errors. In light of the relatively small data set (129 cases and 60 questions), rather than randomly check for errors as is commonly done, we were able to check the entire data set, and make corrections accordingly. 151. Typically, social science data collected through surveys represents a random sampling of a larger population. Analysis of such data requires statistical techniques that are designed to minimize the effects of the sample size, and allow the analyst to infer the characteristics of the entire population on the basis of the sample. In light of our ability to define and identify all potential respondents to our survey (commonly known in statistics as the "census" or "population"), and the high response rate we achieved, the use of commonly used inferential statistics (such as the chi2) were deemed inappropriate. Because we were working with a population ("the total universe of all possible observations that can be identified by a given set of rules" (Linton & Gallo, 1975, p. 14), in addition to looking at simple percentages, we conducted cross-tabulations of data, and analyzed the cross- tabulated data with the aid of proportional reduction of error (PRE) statistics to test measures of association (which indicate more clearly than chi2 based measures the association between two variables). 152. Because they are used less commonly than inferential statistics, it is difficult to find good discussion of the use of PRE statistics. In addition to Linton & Gallo (1978), sources used included Norusis, 1983 & 1992); SPSS Inc. (1983) and Thiessen, (1993). Generally we considered values of Cramer's V and Lambda for nominal data(except when a table was 2 x 2, in which case Phi was used), Gamma or Kendall's tau for ordinal data and Pearson's R for interval data. Eta was used for tables that had one nominal variable and one interval variable. 153. [6] These included questions about how groups were organized (e.g., an executive is elected or appointed, a steering committee is elected or appointed, the group has a loose structure etc.), whether or not various terms (such as president, treasurer, chairperson etc.) were used to identify offices held within the organization, whether or not the group had paid staff members, whether paid staff had position titles, how decisions were made within the group (e.g., by one person with explicit management responsibility, by a group such as a board or steering committee with explicit management responsibilities, by staff and members reaching an agreement etc.), whether the organization had any paid staff, and if so, how many and so on. In addition, we asked questions about what services the groups offered, whether or not the organizations had members, and whether or not the groups participated in government job training programs. A full explanation of the rationale behind these questions can be found in Balka & Doucette, (in progress). 154. [7] The classic example here is that a consultant installs and programmes dBase, a database programme well known as being difficult for novice users. Eventually the organization wants to change some aspect of the database, and the consultant who did the programming work has disappeared, having used an unknown password to secure access to the database prior to departing. 155. 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